打印本頁(yè)臺(tái)灣地區(qū)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人蔡英文上任后首度接受媒體獨(dú)家專訪，由美國(guó)華盛頓郵報(bào)“拔得頭籌”，她在專訪中向大陸喊話，強(qiáng)調(diào)必須尊重臺(tái)灣的民主意志。她稱也非常期待中國(guó)國(guó)家主席習(xí)近平在處理兩岸關(guān)系上能有更大的彈性，也能夠充分認(rèn)知臺(tái)灣是一個(gè)民主的社會(huì)，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者必須傾聽(tīng)民意。蔡英文首度清楚回應(yīng)“九二共識(shí)”，稱接受大陸所設(shè)的期限可能性不大。
回答臺(tái)灣與美國(guó)的關(guān)系時(shí)，她還聲稱，對(duì)于我們?cè)谂_(tái)灣的人而言，我們認(rèn)為我們是一個(gè)“國(guó)家”、一個(gè)民主“國(guó)家”。
華盛頓郵報(bào)在昨天（21日）晚間時(shí)間10點(diǎn)31分貼出專訪全文，主要主要聚焦于兩岸和臺(tái)灣地區(qū)、美國(guó)、中國(guó)大陸三邊關(guān)系，全文以問(wèn)答形式呈現(xiàn)。
綜合臺(tái)灣媒體對(duì)采訪原文的報(bào)道，據(jù)了解，蔡英文是在本周一接受華郵資深副主編Lally Weymouth親自赴臺(tái)專訪。被問(wèn)到有些學(xué)者指出，大陸有給期限要求承認(rèn)“九二共識(shí)”，蔡英文回應(yīng)，“要求臺(tái)灣政府（ the government of Taiwan）違反民意，去接受對(duì)方設(shè)的期限，其實(shí)可能性是不大的”。
這也是蔡英文首度對(duì)于是否承認(rèn)“九二共識(shí)”有較清楚的回應(yīng)。
盼習(xí)近平對(duì)臺(tái)多一點(diǎn)彈性
對(duì)習(xí)近平的印象，她認(rèn)為習(xí)近平肅貪的勇氣對(duì)中國(guó)社會(huì)的發(fā)展至關(guān)重要，并期待他能在處理兩岸關(guān)系時(shí)展現(xiàn)多一點(diǎn)彈性，盼他能體會(huì)臺(tái)灣系民主社會(huì)，臺(tái)灣的領(lǐng)袖須遵照民眾的意志。
針對(duì)520就職以來(lái)，大陸迄今切斷過(guò)去做為兩岸溝通的官方渠道，蔡英文計(jì)劃如何處理與北京的日常關(guān)系？蔡英文表示，兩岸至今一向有各種不同的溝通渠道，不只官方的聯(lián)系，還包括民間的接觸，兩岸間的立場(chǎng)有所分歧，臺(tái)方至今盡力讓個(gè)中差距縮到最小，“我相信會(huì)了解我就職時(shí)釋出的善意”。
Lally Weymouth則以隸屬中國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院的國(guó)臺(tái)辦曾稱蔡英文的就職演說(shuō)為“一份沒(méi)有完成的答卷（沒(méi)完成的考卷）”，迄今也未公開(kāi)表示他們體會(huì)到蔡的立場(chǎng)而提出質(zhì)疑。蔡英文僅表示，“我國(guó)”政府的不同層級(jí)各以其與大陸政府不同層級(jí)間有各自的溝通管道。
蔡英文并指出，過(guò)去這段時(shí)間，臺(tái)方極為審慎地處理與大陸的關(guān)系，未采取挑釁措施，臺(tái)方確保零意外（no surprise），同時(shí)盼通過(guò)上述渠道，能逐步建立互信。
Lally Weymouth提及“臺(tái)灣認(rèn)同”議題，指蔡英文代表諸多認(rèn)為自己是臺(tái)灣人，而非中國(guó)人的年輕人，他們比年長(zhǎng)的世代還更傾向獨(dú)立，“身為總統(tǒng)”，您欲維持兩岸關(guān)系穩(wěn)定，然同時(shí)您又須讓支持者滿意，這當(dāng)中您要如何取得平衡？”蔡英文表示，臺(tái)灣不同的世代和不同的族群有不同的中國(guó)觀，惟他們?cè)谝患露加泄沧R(shí)，那就是民主。蔡英文還被問(wèn)及臺(tái)美關(guān)系，自1979年美國(guó)承認(rèn)中華人民共和國(guó)代表中國(guó)以來(lái)，華盛頓方面迄今仍視臺(tái)灣為一實(shí)體（entity），而非一個(gè)國(guó)家（country），這是否公平？蔡回答說(shuō)，她并不清楚美國(guó)使用“實(shí)體”一詞的意思，但對(duì)于我們?cè)谂_(tái)灣的人而言，我們認(rèn)為（believe）我們是一個(gè)“國(guó)家”、一個(gè)民主“國(guó)家”。臺(tái)灣在世界不被承認(rèn)的情形，的確并不公平。
Lally Weymouth并追問(wèn)，讀者將難以理解何以身為臺(tái)灣“總統(tǒng)”，來(lái)美國(guó)時(shí)卻只獲準(zhǔn)過(guò)境停留四十八小時(shí)，這是否不公平？蔡英文回以“確是如此”。
Lally Weymouth還問(wèn)到，馬英九有意向美國(guó)采購(gòu)66架F-16戰(zhàn)機(jī)和柴電潛艇，即便有數(shù)十名參議員連署支持，卻未獲華府同意，蔡是否將再次提案。蔡英文答說(shuō)，現(xiàn)階段臺(tái)灣軍隊(duì)需要的是水面船艦、潛艇和防空系統(tǒng)，以及防御性的網(wǎng)路戰(zhàn)力，并重申潛艇“國(guó)造”的政策。
不能接受被稱為“中國(guó)的臺(tái)灣當(dāng)局”
訪問(wèn)也聊及美國(guó)大選，Lally Weymouth詢問(wèn)，共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人希拉里或民主黨候選人特朗普當(dāng)選，哪一人會(huì)對(duì)臺(tái)灣更好？蔡英文說(shuō)，對(duì)美國(guó)總統(tǒng)大選發(fā)表評(píng)論是不明智的。
在問(wèn)及南海仲裁結(jié)果時(shí)，Lally Weymouth指出，蔡英文對(duì)仲裁結(jié)果表達(dá)失望立場(chǎng)，尤其太平島被判定為礁而非島，因此不能享有專屬經(jīng)濟(jì)海域，蔡是否會(huì)遵守這樣的結(jié)果？
蔡英文表示，不會(huì)接受這樣的結(jié)果，理由有三，第一，臺(tái)灣是利益相關(guān)人，但未被邀請(qǐng)參與訴訟；第二，我方也不能接受被稱為“中國(guó)的臺(tái)灣當(dāng)局”；其三，太平島本來(lái)就是一個(gè)島嶼。
Lally Weymouth詢問(wèn)，蔡英文是亞洲第一個(gè)被選出來(lái)的女性“總統(tǒng)”，且并非出生在政治世家，是如何做到的？
蔡英文也說(shuō)，臺(tái)灣社會(huì)與民主制度，已成熟到能重視個(gè)別政治人物的質(zhì)與其價(jià)值，而非性別。她說(shuō)，有人覺(jué)得女性領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是種風(fēng)潮，但她認(rèn)為，人民選她作為領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，是因?yàn)樗恼吲c價(jià)值觀，正符合今日臺(tái)灣所需，“我們代表那些希望改革的人。”蔡說(shuō)，多年以來(lái)，臺(tái)灣是“黨國(guó)一體”，但現(xiàn)在人民希望的是更注重人權(quán)、民主與政府決策透明化。
在聊及陸客來(lái)臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題時(shí)，Lally Weymouth指根據(jù)相關(guān)報(bào)道，陸客減少（drop-off )來(lái)臺(tái)，是否沖擊臺(tái)灣旅游業(yè)？蔡英文并未多作說(shuō)明，僅說(shuō)希望旅游客來(lái)源更為多樣化。
Lally Weymouth也提及大陸未來(lái)可能給予臺(tái)灣更大壓力，如以削弱臺(tái)灣債券（bonds）方式“嚇走”臺(tái)灣“邦交國(guó)”等，蔡英文是否擔(dān)憂？
蔡英文說(shuō)，如果中國(guó)大陸要采取經(jīng)濟(jì)措施對(duì)臺(tái)施壓，他們也必須思考要為此付出的代價(jià)，因周邊國(guó)家也在緊密觀察，中國(guó)大陸將用什么樣的方式對(duì)付臺(tái)灣。她也說(shuō)，政府會(huì)盡一切努力維系與“邦交國(guó)”的關(guān)系，并讓他們認(rèn)為與臺(tái)灣邦交是值得的。在問(wèn)及如何提高經(jīng)濟(jì)成長(zhǎng)率并提高工人權(quán)益時(shí)，蔡說(shuō)，這是沒(méi)有靈丹妙藥的，因臺(tái)灣的經(jīng)濟(jì)需要的是整體結(jié)構(gòu)的調(diào)整，而政府所得新模式是側(cè)重創(chuàng)新研發(fā)，這跟過(guò)去以制造業(yè)為中心帶動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)成長(zhǎng)的模式不同。
Lally Weymouth問(wèn)，中國(guó)大陸是不是臺(tái)灣第一大“貿(mào)易伙伴”？蔡英文坦言，中國(guó)大陸確實(shí)是，但雙方在經(jīng)濟(jì)上的互補(bǔ)性正在減少；我們過(guò)去曾有組織生產(chǎn)線的能力，但我們后來(lái)為了勞力因素把加工產(chǎn)能都遷移到大陸，讓情勢(shì)完全改觀。
（觀察者網(wǎng)綜合臺(tái)媒）
Tsai Ing-wen is the first woman to be elected president of the small island of Taiwan, a close U.S. ally but also a potential flash point, because Beijing asserts that Taiwan belongs to the People’s Republic of China and can never be independent. Quite a few Taiwanese in Tsai’s party see it differently. Although China and Taiwan have been able to paper over their differences to date, tensions have been mounting since Tsai’s inauguration, when she did not restate the so-called ’92 consensus, in which Taipei and Beijing agreed that they are part of “one China” — but with different interpretations. This week, The Washington Post’s Lally Weymouth visited Tsai’s office for the president’s first interview since taking office. Edited excerpts follow:
Q: What is your impression of Chinese President Xi Jinping?
A: I think that Chairman Xi’s courage tackling corruption is an important matter in the development of Chinese society. I also look forward to him showing a bit more flexibility in dealing with cross-strait relations. I hope that he can appreciate that Taiwan is a democratic society in which the leader has to follow the will of the people.
Q: Some academics say Xi has a certain deadline by which he wants you to agree to the ’92 consensus. Is that right?
A: It isn’t likely that the government of Taiwan will accept a deadline for conditions that are against the will of the people.
Q: Since your inauguration in late May, the Chinese have cut off the official channel that was used to communicate between Taiwan and the mainland. How do you plan to handle day-to-day relations with Beijing?
A: We have always had diverse channels of communication across the strait. These include not just official communications but also people-to-people contacts. ... There are differences between the positions of the two sides of the strait. In Taiwan, we have done our best to minimize that gap. I believe that the Chinese realize the goodwill we have put forth at the inauguration.
Q: It doesn’t seem that way. I think it was China’s Taiwan Affairs Office, part of the State Council, which said that your speech was “an incomplete exam.” There is no public indication that they appreciated your position. Are you, the president, in touch with your counterparts in the Chinese government?
A: Different levels of the government have different ways of communicating with their counterparts in China. At this stage, I cannot go into too much detail.
Q: Do you feel you are closing the gap between Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China?
A: Over this past period we have handled relations with China very carefully. We do not take provocative measures, we make sure that there are no surprises, and we hope that through channels of communication, we can gradually build up trust.
Q: You represent many of the youth who think of themselves as being Taiwanese, not Chinese. They are more pro-independence than the older generation. As president, you want to maintain cross-strait relations for stability, but at the same time, you must keep your followers happy. How do you balance these factors?
A: Different generations and people of different ethnic origins have different views on China. But they all agree on one thing. That is democracy.
Q: Is it fair that Washington has considered Taiwan an entity, not a country, since 1979, when the United States changed sides and recognized the People’s Republic of China (with its capital in Beijing) — in lieu of the Republic of China in Taiwan (with its capital in Taipei) — as China?
A: I am not clear what the U.S. means when they use the term “entity.” For us here in Taiwan, we believe that we are a country, a democratic country.
Q: So isn’t it unfair that Taiwan is not recognized in the world?
A: It is indeed unfair.Q: American readers would find it hard to understand that you, as a Taiwanese president, are only allowed to come to the United States for 48 hours, and then only if it is a transit stop.
A: Indeed.
Q: There has reportedly been a drop-off in tourists from the mainland. Will that hurt your tourist industry?
A: We hope to have a more diverse source of tourists.
Q: China could bring more pressure on Taiwan if it chose to. They could frighten away your diplomatic allies by threatening to weaken your bonds with them. Are you worried about that?
A: If they do take economic measures to apply pressure to Taiwan, they will have to think about the price that they are going to pay. Because the surrounding countries will be looking very carefully at what measures China will take against Taiwan.
Q: So you think as far as your alliances go, they will stay as they are today?
A: We will do everything we can do to maintain those relations and make sure that our diplomatic allies feel that having diplomatic relations with Taiwan is worthwhile.
Q: Your predecessor, President Ma Ying-jeou, wanted to buy 66 F-16s from the United States. Even though 47 senators wrote in support of his request, nothing happened. Do you intend to repeat that request?
A: At the current stage what we need are surface ships, submarines and air defense systems, as well as defensive capabilities in terms of cybersecurity.
Q: I think Ma also asked for diesel submarines and got nowhere. Will you repeat that request?
A: We are trying to develop our own [submarines].
Q: When it comes to the U.S. election, Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump — who would be better for Taiwan?
A: As the leader of a different country, it is not very wise for us to comment on the presidential election in the U.S.
Q: I understand that the focus of your program is domestic — that you want to raise wages, to give people more time off. But with a growth rate under 1 percent, how can you spur the economy while delivering increased social services?
A: There is no panacea for this. I think Taiwan’s economy needs an overall structural readjustment. Our new model focuses on innovation and research. This is different from our growth model in the past, which was centered on the manufacturing industry.
Q: Isn’t China your No. 1 trading partner?
A: China is still our largest trading partner; however, complementarity between our economies is decreasing. We had the ability to organize a manufacturing process, and then we moved our manufacturing capability to China to make use of their labor pool. But now the situation is very different. [Chinese] labor costs are increasing, and China has their own capability.
Q: So China has become a competitor of Taiwan?
A: They are more and more our competitors.
Q: I saw that you expressed disappointment over the ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague on the South China Sea. It held that Taiping Island, which you claim as part of Taiwan, is a rock, not an island, and thus cannot enjoy an exclusive economic zone. Will you abide by the ruling?
A: We will not accept their decision. There are a couple of reasons for that. Taiwan is an important interested party in this case, but we were not invited to participate in the proceedings. Secondly, we found it unacceptable that we were referred to as the Taiwan Authority of China. The third reason is that [Taiping Island really is] an island.
Q: You are the first woman in Asia who does not come from a political family to be elected president of a country. How did you do it?
A: I think that my emergence as a leader is closely related to the development of Taiwan’s democracy. Taiwan’s democracy was a gradual development. It was done from the bottom up. Therefore a lot of the more successful political leaders come from civil society, those that are closer to the grass-roots level of the public.
Q: It must have been difficult to be a woman leader in such a male-dominated society.
A: Yes, to a certain extent. But I think that the society and our democracy are mature enough to place emphasis on the quality and the value of the individual politician, rather than their gender. Some people will find it fashionable to have a woman leader, but I think the reason people chose me as the leader of this country is because my policies and my values suit the needs of Taiwan today. We represent people who want to have change in the society. For years, this place has been dominated politically by a single party, the Kuomintang. People now want the place to be more democratic. They want to place more emphasis on human rights and transparency in terms of government decision-making. This is different from the way the government conducted business in the days when this was pretty much an authoritarian place.
